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Background: The "Aryan Law" was a piece of legislation the Nazis
implemented early in Hitler's rule to drive Jews out of the professions. This 54-page pamphlet summarizes the law and argues for its beneficial effects. It was designed for mass distribution. The bulk of the pamphlet provides figures to show that Jews were over-represented in various populations. It then claims this is the result of Jewish arrogance, and that Germany was saved by Hitler from a Jewish takeover. This is a good example of early Nazi anti-Semitism. It claims Jews are being treated well, and that only their intolerable presumption is being restricted. I have included most, but not all of the charts and one of the five illustrations. The inside cover includes a price list, noting that at 501 copies and above, the price was 55 pfennig each (about the price of two beers). The publisher, the Verlag "Neues Volk", was affiliated with the Nazi Party, but I'm not sure of the precise connection. It was the publisher of the monthly periodical of the Racial Policy Office of the party, titled Neues Volk. Source: E. H. Schulz and R. Frercks, Warum Arierpargraph? Ein Beitrag zur Judenfrage (Berlin: Verlag Neues Volk, 1934). --------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- Why the Aryan Law? A Contribution to the Jewish Question by Dr. E. H. Schulz and Dr. R. Frercks --------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- Contents Introduction The National Socialist Racial Standpoint Germans and Jews The Development of Jewry in Prussia from 1816 to 1925 The Geographic Distribution of Jews in Prussia The Development of Foreign Jewry in Prussia after the Last Pre-War Census of 1 December 1910 Jewish Occupational Patterns in Prussia The Social Standing of the Jews in Comparison to that of Germans The Dominant Position of Jews in Commerce The Significance of the Jews in German Cultural Life The Jewdification of the University System The Jewdification of the Student Body at Universities and Other Institutions of Advanced Learning The Jewdification of University Faculties Jewry in the Stock Exchange The Jew in Theater and Film The Jews in Politics and the German Reichstag Conclusion Appendix: The Meaning of the Racial Laws of the Third Reich Forward In 1793 the famous philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte, author of "Speeches to the German Nation," wrote a pamphlet titled "A Contribution to Correcting Judgments about the French Revolution." It contained the following significant sentence: "In nearly all the nations of Europe, a powerful, hostile government is growing, and is at war with all the others, and sometimes oppresses the people in dreadful ways: It is Jewry!" The French Revolution, with its "ideas for the improvement of humanity" thundered past, and in the noise the people who had believed in world brotherhood entirely missed this serious warning. What Fichte warned the word about then has today become fact in nearly all the nations of the world. The Jewish people, once only tolerated, knew how to raise a hue and cry about discrimination and persecution, winning the sympathy of the world for the "poor Jews." They increasingly infiltrated deep within our national organism, growing to have power over every single area of our national life. The old saga, the "Edda," observes that one blocks a river at its source. The failure to do that was the great mistake of the German people. Thank God, it is not too late. Our Führer Adolf Hitler recognized the importance of the problem for Germany's rebirth, and outlined its solution in his program. Martin Luther wrote this of the Jews in his book "The Jews and their Lies": "They hold we Christians captive in our own land. They have seized our goods by their cursed usury, they mock and insult us because we work. They are our lords, and we and our goods belong to them." If in the coming days the Jewish race is driven out of the non-Jewish world, it will have at least this consolation: It has made clear to them for all time the value of maintaining the purity of race and blood in clear, understandable and unforgettable ways. National Socialist racial legislation has reduced the influence of Jewry in all professions, and above all excluded them from the leading offices of the nation. That is an important step in the relationship between Germans and Jews, but one cannot ignore the fact that we have not yet fully eliminated the influence of the Jewish foreign body in German national life. It is not a question of German-Jewish coexistence, rather of making as great as possible a separation between blood and blood. Three things are involved he A knowledge of the basic principles of National Socialist racial thinking, An understanding of the growth and expansion of Jewry, The dominant sociological position of Jewry, to show how it dominated the German people economically, intellectually and politically. The motto of this work is: "Let the numbers speak." One more point. Absolutely accurate statistical data for all of Germany is not available. There is accurate data available for Prussia that shows the gradual jewdification of our people [Footnote source: Die Bevölkerungs- und Berufsverhältnisse der Juden im Deutschen Reich. I. Band: Freistaat Preußen] It is no weakness of this work that it handles only a portion of the German nation, Prussia. Prussia, as is well known, comprises 2/3 of the German Reich, and it can be assumed that the figures for Prussia for the post-war period apply more or less to the entire German Reich as well. The National Socialist Racial Standpoint In discussing the Jewish Question, even today one encounters resistance and misunderstandings, especially in intellectual circles. This can only be explained by the intellectual education of the political past. This is especially evident when one discusses the fundamental issues. Whenever a new thought arises in the world and calls people to practical action, the old world resists because it feels its foundations threatened. Its old standpoint has ruled for decades, and it looks uncomprehendingly at a new idea that does not fit into the accustomed patterns of thinking. That is natural. When the new idea and worldview are truly revolutionary, they are on a different level of human thought and feeling, and there can be no compromise. Its realization depends on people who support it, and who are ready to fight to transform the life of the individual and of the nation in every way. For a long time, people at home and abroad claimed that National Socialism meant war at any price. Only gradually is it becoming clear that a stable Germany, one that needs peace for decades to build itself up economically and agriculturally, is a surer guarantee of peace than a nation torn apart by party conflicts, which is a constant source of political unrest. The new Germany's racial thinking is the hardest element for many to understand, encountering rejection and misunderstanding. Some of it is the result of the honest misunderstanding of the old liberal outlook, but some of it is also the result of a conscious attempt to encircle Germany. Before the war the danger was seen as the "militaristic Empire." Today, the racial outlook is seen as a threat to all human culture and civilization, making necessary a unified front of all those nations whose dignity is threatened by German barbarism. That is the approach today of those foreign circles interested in isolating Germany. In the long run, no idea is better suited to guarantee peace between nations than National Socialist racial thinking, which calls for the furtherance and maintenance of one's own race and one's own people, and supports similar efforts on the part of other nations. Such mutual respect which requires respect both for one's own nation and that of others rejects the forcible conquest of other nations, and history shows that it is useless as well. Imperialist strivings are rejected from the start, since they would mean an overlapping of one's own activities with those of others. There can be no doubt that, as in so many other areas, human generations develop in unified ways. But humanity finds its deepest meaning when the outward elements are determined by the character and spiritual characteristics that find their visible expression in race and nationality. No thought or feeling, if it is genuine and deep, can escape its racial boundaries. One of the fundamental principles of the National Socialist worldview is that there are not universal human principles, such as the Pan-European idea in politics or the idea of a human soup in racial terms. Judgments are only possible from life, which is racially determined. Being interested in and caring for one's kind is not to disparage foreign peoples and races. The Jews are responsible for charges that Germany puts all other peoples and races on earth on a lower level. Just as one cannot say that one animal or plant is better than another, one cannot make an objective value judgment between Europeans and Mongols. Their thinking and feeling about essential matters are different, which means they will have different cultures. We have our values, other peoples have theirs. Every variety of custom and culture is colored by the race or group from which produces it, as are judgments of such matters. Lasting peace is possible based on the consciousness of the ethnic or racial distinctiveness of each nation, and a recognition of their mutual right to existence rather than on the maintenance of some sort of power position. The new Germany that views its own race and ethnicity positively must therefore distinguish within its territory between one race and another, between one people and another. Mixing of blood harms both sides. Race is an issue for every people if they are to live according to their nature. The German people is not so arrogant as to believe that is is the chosen people. The familiar quotation from Geibel, "The world should enjoy German ways," should be understood in the context of the dreams of world betterment of those past days. The National Socialist racial viewpoint has clear consequences for the relationship between Germans and Jews. People have often said that National Socialism's approach to the racial question is purely negative and destructive, and that its essential characteristic is radical anti- Semitism. One must grant that we made the Jewish question clearer than anyone else, and taught an entire generation that had been taught to see all people the same to recognize the importance of the Jewish question not only for our people, but for the entire world. Our treatment of the Jewish problem in the years before we took power must be seen as the political education of the German people, which had lost its racial instincts to a dangerous degree. The question took on its own nature in Germany, Many citizens had their eyes opened, and the simultaneous appeal to all the heroic and manly virtues of the German man resulted in a racial selection of political fighters who today stand at the head of the new state. Formerly, the Jewish question, as seen by the state, was a matter of complete equality and the unhindered immigration of Jews from the East. This is the best proof of how racial feeling and consciousness had been lost. Our tone was not purely negative or the simple rejection of others, rather the emphasis was on the positive values of our own people. This does require noting that Jewry through its Marxist class struggle leadership role and its international financial measures aimed at Germany supported every kind of anti-national action in the cultural and political fields. Jewry should not complain if its anti-German activities, which have no counterpart in any other country, call forth from the people the defensive reaction of anti-Semitism. Germans and Jews The starting point of the discussion is the scientific fact that the Jew is different than the German. This is neither arrogant nor boastful, it simply is the way things are. For us, the Jewish question is a question between two peoples. Its characteristics are determined by the racially determined differences between the two, and through the unusual sociological and numerical development of Jewry in the course of its history, developments that are particularly evident in the last decades through a constantly growing process of foreign infiltration that has reached an intolerable level for the German people. More than once over its history, the German people has absorbed foreign elements, but they were racially identical or similar population groups, as for example was the case with the Huguenots. With the Jews, things are fundamentally different. They are seen everywhere as foreigners, and see themselves that way as well. Walter Rathenau said it most clearly as early as 1897: "How strange! In the middle of German life there is a separate, foreign tribe that that stands out in every way with its hot-tempered behavior. An Asiatic horde has settled on the sands of Mark Brandenburg." Einstein said something in 1931: "I have to laugh when I hear the phrase 'German citizen of the Jewish faith.' [A leading German Jewish organization had this name.] These citizens first of all want nothing to do with my poor Eastern European brothers, and second do not want to be sons of my (Jewish) people, but only members of the Jewish cultural community. Is that honest? Can a non-Jew respect such people? I am not a German citizen. I am a Jew, and am happy to belong to the Jewish people." The most remarkable thing about Jewry is that it has not disappeared over the millennia, even though it lacks its own territory and language. Even more remarkable is that it lacks the main characteristic of a minority population, its own pockets of settlement to which it could if necessary retreat. Only time will tell if Palestine will someday fill this gap. That question is made more difficult by the fact that the Arabs maintain their claim on Palestine. Whatever the twists of history, the Jew has always remained the same, whether as a grain speculator in ancient Rome or as a bank or stock exchange potentate in the modern era. They were always able to control the wealth of whole nations. Nations and peoples once their contemporaries have vanished, leaving only words and crumbled monuments behind; only the Jew remains. In ancient days we see him carrying on his business in the trading centers of the Mediterranean. In the Middle Ages he provided money for German nobles and free cities. Today he rules the banks and stock exchanges of the whole world, forcing the nations under the yoke of financial capitalism. The power of this people of 15 million rests on these international relations. This is how they seem to fulfill the commandment of Jehovah — the world domination of the chosen people. The secret of the Jewish people, which has enabled them to survive through all of history's twists and turns, is that it has always recognized the laws of blood, even anchoring them in the laws of its religion. The consciousness of blood and family that believing Jews have has been stronger than all the other forces of history, giving us a unique example of a people without its own land and language, which still meets the criteria for being a people, and which has outlasted many other peoples. This historic manifestation of Jewry, which is unique, brings to the fore the question of the relationship between the host and guest peoples. It has been answered in differing ways throughout history, depending on the worldview and thinking then predominant. Since the Jews were dispersed they have been held together by the laws of their religion and their faith that they were the chosen people. Until the middle of the 18th Century, Germans and Jews lived apart from each other. The Jews had no opportunity to become involved in the religious of political-intellectual life of their host people. On the other hand, they could practice their own customs without interference. They had their own religion and their own laws. During the Middle Ages, the Ghetto was the way Jewry could maintain itself in the midst of other peoples and fulfill its Jewish duties, which grew out of its race, origins and laws. The values and ideals of other peoples were not affected. This separation was only possible because the views of the host people were as strong as those of the Jews. According to the writer Grau: "There was no racial defilement or baptism, no attempt to join a nation that one could never be a member of, and no attempt to intellectually silence the host people." In the Ghetto of the Middle Ages, the Jew developed his nature and characteristics, which were later to become significant, while maintaining the community of blood and race. The latter is particularly important, since the strict physical separation between the host and guest peoples maintained the foreign nature that we daily see so clearly, now that the barriers between have long since fallen. Even in the Middle Ages, the m most important thing was not the difference between the Christian and Mosaic faiths. Rather, there was on the one hand the natural sense that the Jew was of a foreign race, and on the other hand the strict law of blood which demanded a clear separation if the Jews were to fulfill Jehovah's mission, which had guided them from the beginning. Just this has always been kept in the background by historians, who present the Ghetto as a tolerated asylum for Jewish martyrs persecuted on account of their faith. There is a gap to be filled here. The task of historians writing from our new viewpoint will be to examine the portrait of the Ghetto of the Middle Ages to discover its importance for the development of Jewry and the relationship between the guest and host peoples. Even the Jewish side is demanding that. O. Karbach criticizes historical writing because it "in significant ways conceals the historical fact that the Jews in the centuries before their emancipation possessed a legal standing that was better than the greater part of the rest of the population, namely complete or partial agricultural freedom. (Ordnung in der Judenfrage, edited by E. Czermak, Reinhold, Vienna, 1933). The barriers between Germans and Jews fell as a result of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. The path to Jewish world domination would take a different direction than pious, observant Jews had expected. Emancipation made it possible to build Jewish dominance through secular means. With the disappearance of racial consciousness, only religious differences seemed to remain. It seemed at the time unjust to give someone a preferred position only because of his religious beliefs, which are an entirely personal matter. At the time, this was tied to a belief in human equality and freedom. It was revolutionary. It shattered the church dogmas that had ruled for centuries and was the foundation of liberal thinking during the last two hundred years. The new goal was humanity itself, and nothing stood in the way of racial mixing. Some had the quiet hope that assimilation would mean the absorption of Jewry. Jewry itself, however, was more than willing to use the opportunities of religious assimilation, which opened the path to all important positions, even to political leadership. As H. Heine said, "baptism was the ticket to European culture." Gradually, an intermixing with the German people developed, particularly in its cultural elite. Foreign blood infiltrated to a degree that we realize only today now that the "Law to Reestablish a Professional Bureaucracy" has exposed numerous sources of foreign blood. This process has greatly accelerated during the last fourteen years. Today the age of raceless thinking is being displaced by the ideals of human variability. Values are rooted in origin and territory, and each group has a historic mission based on its own unique and eternal values. Such new racial thinking will of course secure the opposition of those who either through faith or reason still believe in the unity of humanity in culture, social order and organization. The Jews will naturally oppose any discussion of race, since the denial of any significant differences between people is the foundation of his infiltration of Western European society. The Jew finds any mention of the racial question as an attack on his current existence. His leading role in every anti-national area is characteristic of his mimicry, and is necessary for his continued existence. That explains the phrase "German citizen of the Jewish faith." The recognition that the Jew is of a foreign and different race along with the reawakening of German racial consciousness must necessarily lead to a change in the relations between Germans and Jews. The Development of Jewry in Prussia from 1816 to 1925 There is one point to keep in mind before examining the statistics. Only those people who claimed to be Jews and were members of the Mosaic faith were counted as Jews, not those who for internal or external reasons belonged to another religion, or those who claimed by be dissident Jews and therefore did not belong to the standard groups. This is regrettable for our purposes, since we are interested not in the influence of those who still claimed the Jewish religion, rather those who belonged to the Jewish race! That includes all Jews, whether of the Mosaic faith or baptized Christians. That is just what the supporters of the Talmud and the Old Testament always said. They complained that the state opened all offices to those "without character," to "Christmas Jews," even admitting them to the officer corps! The statistics given here must therefore be increased significantly. The Jews are a race, and baptism does not in any way change the foreign characteristics that are hostile to the German people. The first Prussian census was taken after the Wars of Liberation in 1816. The total population of Prussia was 10,349,031, of whom 123,938 were Jews, about 1,2%. 47.2% of those Jews lacked citizenship, meaning that almost half of the Jews then living in Prussia were foreigners. The census of 1846, the last to distinguish between Jews with and without citizenship, found that the percentage of Jews without citizenship was 36.7%. They were 1.3% of the total population. The following table gives an overview of the percentage of Jews in the total population from 1816 to the present. Census Year Jews per 1,000 Census Year Jews per 1,000 1816 11.98 1858 13.67 1819 12.26 1861 13.78 1822 12.40 1864 13.61 1825 12.24 1867 13.06 1828 12.65 1871 13.21 1831 12.83 1875 13.20 1834 13.06 1880 13.34 1837 13.02 1885 12.94 1840 13.03 1890 12.42 1843 13.35 1895 11.92 1846 13.38 1900 11.38 1849 13.41 1905 10.98 1852 13.40 1910 10.36 1855 13.62 1925 10.58 The percentage of those holding the Mosaic faith rose during the 19th Century from 1.2% in 1816 to a high point of 1.4% in 1861 and 1865, falling to 1% by 1910. The numerical decline since the 1860's is misleading, since one must realize that from a racial standpoint, there are more Jews than the official statistics show. This is important, particularly in view of growing assimilation. The numerous moves from the Jewish religion to other faiths can be explained because the Jews seek to gain the advantages of the Aryan population. Using Protestantism, Catholicism or the independent churches as a cover, Jews found easy entrance to high positions in politics, the arts, business and the civil service. The idea that all people were equal was accepted both by conservative and liberal thinking, allowing the incorporation of entirely foreign racial elements. This shows how every level of society was influenced by the thinking of the era. This led to the belief that the value of people was determined by their education and possessions, and on the other hand to the dogmatic view that the social environment was the most important element in human development. One might have assumed that the percentage of per thousand annually. A figure of 3 Jews per thousand leaving the Jewish faith annually is reasonable. This would be at least 15,408 for the years 1911 to 1925 (that is, 14 times 3 per thousand = 4.2%) who changed religions or left theirs without joining another. Of course, the intellectual atmosphere that enabled the Jew to infiltrate the German body politic quickly led the Jew himself to see that conditions for his advancement were favorable, and that the way to the top was open. He also realized what the population statistics meant, indeed they were particularly clear to him, since 2/3 of his kind lived in the big cities, the centers of the liberal worldview. Jews in general have been unable to maintain their demographic numbers. In Prussia, the birth rate of Jewish parents was significantly under that of the general population. In 1910, there were 17 births per 1,000 Jews. The birth rate in mixed marriages was only 6 per 1,000. That is below the rate necessary to maintain the population, and there was a surplus of deaths over births of 18,252 between 1911 and 1925. There is no doubt that the native West European Jewry in Germany, which is particularly part of the upper class, has shrunk. If the German border to the East had been closed before the World War, we would scarcely have a Jewish question. It is incorrect to speak of German Jewry, since most of the increase in Jewry comes from the East. Germany is the first filter for those who will learn civilized manners and go on to other Western nations. Despite these statistics, the number of Jews did not decrease between 1900 and 1925, rather showed a slight increase. Between the last pre-war census of 1 December 1910 and that of 16 June 1925, the Jewish population grew from 366,876 to 403,969, or 10.1% The entire population of Prussia grew by 3,119,000 during this same period, or 8.9%, significantly less than the Jewish population. This growth is particularly striking when one recalls that between 1910 and 1925 areas with a heavy Jewish population (e.g., Pommerania, West Prussia, etc.) were lost as a result of the War. 49,101 Jews, 11.81% of the Jewish population, had lived in these areas. Despite losses due to change in religion, despite the surplus of deaths to births, and despite territorial losses there was an increase in the Jewish population in both absolute and relative terms. The reason is clear: During and after the War, there was strong Jewish immigration, particularly from areas in Eastern Europe. The Geographic Distribution of Jews in Prussia The last pre-war census was held on 1 December 1910. The first census to give comparable statistics was on 16 June 1925. It seems the best way to proceed is to compare the two sets of results. First,403,969 of Prussia's 38,120,173 inhabitants were Jewish, about 1.06%. Next, the figures provide a picture of the peculiar distribution of Jewry in the various provinces and big cities. The percentage of the Jewish population in the eastern provinces, the doorway so to speak, were significantly higher than in the other provinces. The percentage in Hesse- Nassau was twice as high as the average, influenced by the Jewish metropolis of Frankfurt. The city of Berlin, a province since 1891, had a remarkably high number of Jews, both in absolute terms (172,672 Jews) and in percentages. 4/10 of the Jews lived in Berlin, nearly half, though Berlin had only 1/10 of Prussia's total population. The Jewish Population of Prussia on 16 June 1925 Province Total Number In number per 1000 of all Jews In number per 1,000 of the Provincial population City of Berlin 172,672 472.4 42.9 Rhine 58,223 144.1 8.0 Hesse-Nassau 52,757 130.6 22.0 Lower Silesia 29,953 74.2 9.6 Westphalia 21,595 53.5 4.5 Hanover 14,895 36.9 4.7 East Prussia 11,337 28.1 5.0 Upper Silesia 10,069 24.9 7.3 Brandenburg 8,442 20.9 3.3 Saxony 8.341 20.6 2.6 Pommerania 7,761 4.1 Schleswig-Holstein 4,152 10.3 2.7 Posen-West Prussia 3,437 8.5 10.3 Hohenzollern 335 0.8 4.7 TOTAL 403,969 1000 10.6 The strong representation of Jewry in large cities indicates a flight from the countryside by the Jewish race. As early as 1817, a study of the Jewish population found that only 16% of Jews lived in the countryside, as compared to 72% of the general population. In 1925, the number of Jews in rural counties, even those with mid-sized or small cities, had fallen to 0.34%, while the Jewish population of counties with cities averaged 2.2%. The percentage climbs to 2.6% if we take the 29 of 188 Prussian cities with populations over 100,000, the big cities. They have a total population of 11,144,024, including 294,230 Jews. These 294,230 Jews in big cities are 72.8% of the Jews in Prussia, while the figure for the general population, despite increasing urbanization, was only 29.2%. The process of urbanization was far more advanced among the Jews than the general population, meaning that Jews had clustered in big cities to begin their climb into the cultural elite. The trend intensified in recent decades. The devout Jews freshly arrived form the East went immediately to the big cities to carry on their business. By the second generation we already find them in some big commercial enterprise, bank or stock brokerage firm. It was necessary for them to adapt to the surroundings, outwardly separating themselves from their religious comrades in order to prepare the way for their children to enter the leading circles. This was made easier by the view of the day, which believed in the equality of all. Particularly after the outward signs of the Mosaic faith had been left behind, nothing stood in the way of economic and political equality. The Development of Foreign Jewry in Prussia after the Last Pre-War Census of 1 December 1910 Given Germany as it then was, and particularly because of its geographical position, Prussia was a receptacle for Jewish immigration from the East to the West. From the beginning of the Twentieth Century, the big cities were the gathering place of Eastern Jews in Prussia. Until the beginning of the World War, this stream could be kept somewhat within bounds, but the war swept aside all protective barriers in this regard. One can even say that social democracy used its political power to give a major boost to Eastern Jewish immigration and naturalization. As we have already noted, there was a growth in the total Jewish population of Prussia between 1 December 1910 and 16 June 1925 from 366,876 to 403.969, or 10.1%. The entire population of Prussia over the same period and on the same territory rose about 3,119,000, or 8.9%, substantially less than the rise in the Jewish population. This was despite the loss of territories with significant Jewish populations, despite the surplus of deaths over births, despite baptisms and those who gave up their religion altogether! A closer look at the statistics and facts gives an entirely different picture of the Jews since 1910. Between 1911 and 1924, there was an excess of deaths over births of 18,252. Subtracting that number from the 366,876 Jews in 1910 results in a figure of 348,624. Then there were 15,408 Jews (14 times 3 per 1,000 = 4.2% of Jews) who between 1911 and 1924 converted or left their faith altogether. That would leave us with 333,212 Jews in 1924. However, the actual number of believing Jews in 1925 was 403,969. This must be the result of the immigration or migration of Jews from the lost territories, a total of around 70,000. In reality, this flood of Jews must be considerably higher than 70,000., since many of those 70,000 were already dissidents, Catholics or Protestants, or did not reveal their religion. Of the 403.969 Jews in Prussia on 16 June 1925, 68,114 were foreigners, 7,364 had no nationality, and 909 were of unknown citizenship. It seems to us of considerable political significance to know the nationality of these 68,114 Jewish foreigners. Poland takes the lead. 35,385 of these Jewish foreigners came from there. Of the 35,585 Polish Jews, nearly half — 17,423 — lived in Berlin. 9,498, or 2.35%, came from Austria. In third place among the Jewish foreigners is Soviet Russia, with 6,986, 5,185 of whom lived in Berlin. These 6,986 Russian Jews are 1.73% of all Jewry in Prussia. Czechoslovakia provided 95,263 total immigrants, or 0.25%, putting it in second place, but its 3,574 Jews, or 0.89%, put in in fourth place with regards to Jewish immigrants. Other nations included Hungary with 2,480 Jews, Romania with 2,156, the Netherlands with 1,791, and Lithuania with 1,350 Jews. Jewish Occupational Patterns in Prussia It would be too much to investigate the occupational patterns of Jews in Prussia for the past century, as we did with their population. Still, by the middle of the last century people were aware that it was absolutely necessary to follow the occupational development of Jewry. Graf von Arnim, then the Prussian Minister of the Interior, made the following declaration on 21 October 1843: "It is not yet clear what the results of legislative deliberations about Jewish civil activities will have. But there is a clear need for the administration to gather material on occupational matters, in particular the extend to which peddling and junk dealing are still dominated by them, with the resulting effects on the social development of these subjects." The minister's decree resulted in a survey of the occupations of the Jewish population in Prussia, which produced the following results: Jewish Occupations in Prussia at the End of 1843 Occupation Total Number Percentage Total Number Percentage 1 2 3 4 5 I. Doctors, teachers, scientific 1,666 2.7 II. Retirees and Pensioners 1,687 2.7 IIIa. Independent shopkeepers 21,739 35 IIIb. Workers in commerce 5,029 8.1 IIIc. All in the trades 26,738 43.1 IV. Restaurants and taverns 2,898 4.7 Va. Independent tradesmen and craftsmen 8,420 13.5 Vb. Workers in the trades 3,636 5.8 Vc. All tradesmen and craftsmen 12,056 19.3 VI. Agriculture 639 1 VII. Other professions 1,364 2.2 VIII. Workers in IIIb and Vb — — IX. Lower level town jobs 790 1.3 X. Day laborers 2,636 4.2 XI. Domestic servants 6,296 10.1 XII. Supported by various charities 2,356 3.8 XIII. No fixed employment or begging 3,029 4.9 TOTALS 62,185 100% These figures show that even then Jewry inclined strongly to commerce, with 43.1% engaged in it. Now let us turn to the present. Nothing shows the differences between our people and the Jews more clearly than their likes and dislikes for certain occupations. In some occupations, particularly those that are most important for the nation as a whole, the foreign influence on German life has reached an intolerable extent not seen elsewhere in Europe. The preference for certain occupations also gives us an interesting insight into the spiritual nature of Jewry. The following figures show how much critical occupations in Germany have been infiltrated. 112,188 Jews, or 58.8%, far more than half, are employed in the area of "commerce and transportation, including restaurants and taverns," but only 17.11% (3,248,145) of the population as a whole. In the area of "industry and craft work, including mining and construction," 19,318 Jews (25.85%) were employed, including 31.82% of foreigners. For the population as a whole, the figure was 40.94% (7,771,799). The figures in the field of "public administration, the judiciary, the army and navy, churches, legal professionals and the independent professions." 11,324 Jews were employed there, or 5.94% , over against 921,048 (4.85%) in the general population. The Jews are over-represented by 1% in these very important areas when compared to the overall Prussian population. The contrast is even crasser when one factors out the 5.13% of Jews who are foreigners. The percentage of eligible Jews is then 6.12% over against 4.85% for the general population. The percentage of the Jewish population in Area D over against the general population is as high as it is because this area includes not only those in public service, the army and the navy, but also the "independent professions." If one separates the independent professions from public service, the results are as follows: In 1925, 0.81% of Jews were active as civil servants or in the army and navy, as opposed to 2.3% of the general population. In the church, religious occupations, the legal system and the other independent professions, the Jewish percentage is 4.3% as opposed to 2% of the general population. This shows that the Jews are over-represented when compared to the general population, particularly in the independent professions. The percentage of the Jewish population in government positions may seem less than that of the general population, but the difference is not as great as the figures first suggest. The most recent figures, not yet entirely complete, suggest that a not insignificant number of them are baptized Jews or dissidents formerly of the Jewish faith who denied their Jewishness to gain an official position. 4.35% of Jews are employed in the medical and health care system, including welfare, and 2.0% of foreign Jews. The figure for the general population is 1.88%. The Jewish percentage is thus 2 1/2 times as high as that of the general population. In summary, Jewish occupational patterns differ from those of the rest of the population. Jewry seems to have an aversion to agricultural work, industrial labor and crafts. They are greatly over-represented in commerce and transportation, including the entire banking system. They are also over-represented in the independent professions and the health care system. These figures alone demonstrate a clear difference between the native German population and alien Jewry. Here there is a full-page table showing the distribution of occupations among the general population, all Jews, native Jews and foreign Jews. It is too complicated for me to put into HTML Very similar conditions prevail in all Western European nations and also in North America, since Jews have spread throughout the world in areas with growing industry and in cities that are centers of economic and financial power. It is not true, as is often claimed, that the Jew was systematically forced into commerce by the laws of the various nations; rather, commerce particularly suits the Jew's nature. This is supported by Dr. Arthur Ruppin, a scholar respected by the Jews. He writes in his book The Jews of the Present (2nd edition, Cologne and Leipzig, 1911, p. 45): "Thanks to their significant commercial gifts (!), the Jews soon enjoyed great success in commerce and industry. For 2000 years they have seemed predestined to work in commerce. It is false to claim, as some do, that Jews became merchants primarily because the Christians denied them other occupations during the Middle Ages. The Jews did not become merchants in Europe, rather they entered the profession in growing numbers ever since the Babylonian Captivity in Syria, Egypt and Babylon [because they dislike labor and prefer to have others work for them! The Editor]. In Palestine until the dispersion they did live primarily by agriculture. In the Diaspora, there was hardly anywhere that the Jews lived by agriculture. The Middle Ages did not make them into merchants. It only affirmed legally that which history had already established. It is after all the rule that economic laws generally do not create new conditions, but only legalize and regulate that which already exists. The law would never have limited the Jews to commerce in Europe if they had not already immigrated primarily as merchants..." Nearly all national economists agree that the Jews owe their role as merchants not to chance, but to their excellent abilities as merchants. As W. Sombart wrote: "The Jewish race is by nature the incarnation of the capitalism-mercantile spirit." (Der moderne Kapitalismus, Vol. 2, p. 349. Leipzig, 1902). Many others agree. The Social Standing of the Jews in Comparison to that of Germans Our primary interest is in the decisive influence of Jewry in our economic and intellectual life. We also think it necessary to look at the social standing of workers. The following interesting conclusions are clear. 1. There were about 3,070,000 independent self-employed workers in Prussia, 92,164 of whom were Jews. That is 16.2% of the general population, but 48.3% of the Jews. That is a figure three times as high. These figures are most influenced by those Jews active in commerce, transportation, and restaurants and taverns, where the figure is 31.5% versus 3.8%. Similarly differences in the relative proportion of Jews by the self- employed are evident in the medical field, which employs 0.5% of the general population but 2.8% of the Jews, nearly six times as many. Similar statistics are found in the cultural area (theater, film, radio, education, teaching, etc.). The 0.4% of the general population are employed there, 2.6% of the Jews, also about six times as many. In the area of public administration and the judiciary, the percentage of Jews in high positions is 2.0%, over against 1.3% of the general population, nearly twice as high. The significance of these figures becomes clear that when one realizes that the 2.3% of professional Jews in public administration and the judiciary are in a branch where the Jewish percentage of employees is only 0.81%. That means that the Jews are especially represented in the important positions that influence the whole government and leading branches of the economy. 2. There were about 3,240,000 white collar workers in Prussia, 64,469 of whom were Jews. That was respectively 17.1% and 33.8% of those employed. The Jewish percentage is therefore almost double that of the general population. More than 2/5 of the 3.2 million, around 1.36 million, are active in commerce and transportation, while the Jewish total is 39,661, or more than 3/5. Putting all the groups together, about 7.2% of the general population is employed in these areas as opposed to 20.8% of the Jews. In industry, 4.7% of the general population is employed in whitecollar jobs, 7.8% of the Jews. 3. There are few Jewish workers. Prussia had 8.9 million workers, or 46.9% of the population, but there were only 16,019 Jews, or 8.4%. The statistics may be interesting. The Jewish workers included 11,406 in industry, 2,220 in commerce and transportation, and 726 in agriculture. The following figures show most clearly the different social structure of Jewry in Prussia over against the general population, and reveal clearly Jewry's leading role in public life: Jews Non-Jews Owners and leasors 44.9% 14.4% Leading public officials 2.6% 0.7% Totals 47.5% 15.1% Technical professionals and civil servants 3.9% 5.0% Supervisors 0.2% 1.4% Commercial employees 29.7% 10.9% Totals 33.8% 14.4% Skilled workers 5.8% 32.0% Unskilled workers 2.6% 16.1% Home workers 0.8% 0.7% Totals 9.5% 18.9% 100% 100% |
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