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Even the right wingers are moving away from Bush and his lies!
GOP Running as the UnBush Bush's unpopularity means that GOP office seekers, including its 2008 presidential aspirants, may see themselves as better off by shunning the party's incumbent in the White House Vicki Haddock, Insight Staff Writer Sunday, December 18, 2005 Printable Version Email This Article Main Opinion Page Chronicle Sunday Insight Chronicle Campaigns SF Chronicle Submissions Letters to the Editor Open Forum Sunday Insight Ask Americans if they'd prefer the next president to be similar to George W. Bush -- or completely different -- and surveys show a burgeoning market for the UnBush. Just as the law of supply-and-demand dictates, we're now witnessing an abundant supply of politicians challenging, critiquing, even castigating the president. That would be typical of the Democrats, of course, but it's now becoming the norm among Republicans -- including some who aspire to the White House. The latest Time magazine poll indicates that by a 60-to-36 percent majority, people want somebody with different policies from Bush's. Nearly a majority reported a "very negative" impact on their view of Bush from the Iraq war and rising gas prices -- and more than a third also threw in the deficit, hurricane-recovery efforts, the economy, and the sorry fate of his much-heralded Social Security "reform" initiative, which now languishes in a state of political rigor mortis. After months of careening downhill, Bush's poll numbers have started to creep up. Still, a Gallup Poll found that even among Republicans, 7 in 10 voters are predisposed toward a candidate who disagrees with Bush. Little wonder the GOP's White House aspirants have exhibited a Bush allergy. In last month's elections, even a Republican conservative such as Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum avoided campaigning alongside Bush (and party moderates such as California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger gave him a cold shoulder, too.) The exception is the GOP's biggest innate UnBush, Arizona Sen. John McCain, who appears at his side, but also makes a habit of publicly second-guessing some of his moves. With McCain polling so high that pundits joke he may become president by acclamation, Bush needs McCain more than McCain needs him -- or so figures Bruce Reed, head of the Democratic Leadership Council. As Reed wrote in the online magazine Slate: "Vice President Cheney's public star has fallen even farther than Bush's. Doing events with McCain is proof that Bush understands you don't campaign with the vice president you have, you campaign with the vice president you might wish or want to have." Conservatives still may want to be tagged as "Reagan Republicans," but that me-tooism does not embrace either President Bush I or II. The House of the GOP Iconoclast is rising -- witness presidential wannabes such as McCain, Rudy Giuliani and Chuck Hagel. Of course, all this could change if George W. Bush can turn things around. He's certainly trying, as last week's series of appearances -- justifying the war effort while admitting some mistakes -- showed. Evidence mounts, though, that the Bush administration no longer holds carte blanche. The Republican-controlled Senate recently voted overwhelmingly to demand the White House produce quarterly updates on conditions for withdrawal in Iraq, and to allow some terrorists convicted by military tribunals at U.S. detention camps to appeal in civilian courts. GOP lawmakers also balked at Bush's move to approve oil drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, and refused his wishes on the 2006 budget bill. It hasn't been that long ago that the president's surrogates could paint GOP critics of Bush as kooky heretics. Case in point: Sen. Hagel, who would like to emerge in 2008 as the leading UnBush in the GOP quest to retain the White House. His heresy used to be second-guessing U.S. policies toward Iraq -- long before it became fashionable to do so. Audaciously self-righteous, he announced six months ago: "The White House is completely disconnected from reality. ... It's like they're just making it up as we go along. The reality is that we're losing in Iraq." Under Bush, the Republican Party had pulled "loose of its moorings." At the time, he was a lone voice crying in the Republican wilderness, and retribution from Bush loyalists was swift. Kenneth Tomlinson, who as then-head of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting calibrated PBS guests on an ideological scale to prevent a leftist tilt, tallied Hagel as a liberal. The conservative National Review magazine archly referred to him as "Sen. Chuck Hagel, R-France." Actually Hagel's home state -- Nebraska -- rarely is mistaken for the native soil of Napoleon Bonaparte. A self-made millionaire, Hagel last year earned a 100 rating from the Christian Coalition, a 94 percent score of support for the president on roll-call votes, an "A" from the National Rifle Association and an 87 percent score from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. But he sports an UnBush view of foreign affairs, an UnBush disdain for what he sees as U.S. overreach in the world, and a contrarian's skepticism that indicates he hasn't quaffed the party Kool-Aid. He also is a decorated Vietnam vet, which gives him credibility when he takes on Bush over the war in Iraq. The oldest in his family whose father died when he was a teenager, Hagel volunteered for combat, was wounded twice including an explosion that blew out his eardrums and left shrapnel in his chest, and was awarded two Purple Hearts. "One of the things that always strikes me about people who've had this kind of searing experience is that there are some things that are beyond politics," said Frank Partsch, recently retired editorial page editor of the Omaha World Herald. During one of Hagel's memorable appearances on the Sunday morning talk show circuit -- this one on July 3 -- he was asked whether his criticism wasn't undermining his president and the war effort. He answered by making an analogy to Vietnam: "I watched 58,000 Americans get chewed up over a process (from) 1961 to 1975 ... when, in fact, we had a policy that was losing. And the members of Congress were interestingly silent and absent in asking tough questions. As long as I'm a United States senator, I will do everything I can to ensure that we have a policy worthy of these brave young men and women. ... And when I don't say anything, I fail those I served with, I fail those 58,000 ... and I fail the families of those who already lost their lives in Iraq and been maimed." Hagel, who is sometimes nicknamed McCain Lite, deflects queries about his ambitions by quoting McCain's observation that any politician who isn't in detox is rumored to be running. But he also acknowledges the White House holds a unique allure, which might explain his recent forays into Iowa and New Hampshire . "He's taken a lot of heat from Republicans, but I'll give you the other side of it -- it's very clever," said John Hibbing, professor of political science at the University of Nebraska. He noted Hagel's opposition to abortion and gay rights appeals to the religious right, and his scolding about profligate spending appeals to fiscal conservatives. "So you're left with this one issue, this one increasingly unpopular issue, where he was there first saying we just screwed this up entirely. "If Iraq continues to be an albatross for the Republican Party, let's just say Chuck Hagel might not look bad at all in 2008." Hagel got there first, but now more Republicans are slipping out of the bunker to express misgivings. Cynics see it as a craven move to save their own political fortunes; others say their change of mind about Iraq is no different from that of the electorate as a whole. Only 13 Republicans voted against the measure to require Iraqi war progress reports. Its author is GOP Sen. John Warner of Virginia, a veteran of World War II and the Korean War who chairs the Senate Armed Services Committee. Among those supporting the bill was another GOP presidential hopeful, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist of Tennessee, a physician who is auditioning for the 2008 role of "compassionate conservative" by distancing himself from Bush's ban on most stem cell research. Increasingly, Bush and Cheney have clung to the qualified support of men like McCain and Republican South Carolina Sen. Lindsay Graham, who maintain the invasion of Iraq was a noble cause. Yet just last Sunday, Graham told NBC that at "every turn, we've underestimated how hard it would be. We've paid a price in the past for our missteps." He also has begun to castigate Bush and fellow GOP legislators for overspending. "If we really want to do well in 2006, we need to have fiscal discipline like Republicans campaigned on," he said. "We have lost our way as a party. Our base is deflated, and taxpayers don't see any difference between us and the Democrats." McCain is at the vanguard of the challenge to the Bush administration on the question of torture. When Cheney made a trip to Capitol Hill to fight for wiggle room -- to craft an exception permitting the CIA to torture captives in certain circumstances -- McCain trumped him by citing his experience as a prisoner of war during Vietnam: "Many of my comrades were subjected to very cruel, very inhumane and degrading treatment, a few of them even unto death. But every one of us -- every single one of us -- knew and took great strength from the belief that we were different from our enemies." The McCain provision prevailed with 90 Senate votes, and on Wednesday the House joined the de facto rebuke, forcing Bush to accept a provision he had threatened to veto. It has been more than a half-century since a presidential election in which neither the sitting president nor vice president was on the ballot. Presidents are bound by pride to champion their own records, and vice presidents are bound by loyalty, and smart politics, to do so, even while delicately stressing their differences. But, the 2008 campaign will be another story -- and it looks like there will be nothing delicate about it |
#2
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![]() wrote in message ups.com... Even the right wingers are moving away from Bush and his lies! GOP See ya' Kevin. *ploink* |
#3
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![]() JimH wrote: wrote in message ups.com... Even the right wingers are moving away from Bush and his lies! GOP See ya' Kevin. *ploink* It's about time. Now, I take it, seeing that you don't want to see any of my posts, that you will also refrain from commenting to me? |
#4
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![]() JimH wrote: wrote in message ups.com... Even the right wingers are moving away from Bush and his lies! GOP See ya' Kevin. *ploink* Good work, JimH. It only takes a few adults to break the cycle. If more people would recognize that an uncivil response (even to a blatant troll) demeaned the responder ever more than the troller there would be a lot fewer 200-post threads consisting primarily of "neener-neener" in the group. Basskisser always manages to make you upset, so avoid Basskisser and avoid getting upset. Better to be thought of as a guy who has the strength and discipline to ignore the bait than as a guy who gets suckered in every time. While there may be a few political cut 'n pasters who think they're on a mission from one version of God or another here- most of the time the practice is engaged primarily to get other people angry and fan the flames. None of us can control how or what somebody else is going to post, but we can all influence the tone of the group by concentrating on what we post or how we respond. If some of the cut 'n pasters (those who don't think they're on a mission from God) stop getting the response they're looking for some of them will stop the two-a-day political trolls in the NG. "The conservatives do it too!" or "The liberals started it!" doesn't make political cut 'n pasting right, productive, useful, or politically effective. People who post primarily political cut 'n paste are sending us all a signal that they're out to destroy the NG. If we respond the way they hope we will, (and we too often do), they win. Why let them? (I'll be passing by the post office today, and I'll check once again for the book). |
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